Olympics suck up the media oxygen

 6 August 2012

The Olympic games have captured media attention during the last ten  days –which means that there have been fewer reports than usual of public administration issues that make for integrity talking points – although a number of incidents  have been reported which illustrate the conflict between competing to win and playing fairly.

With media attention in London on the games venues and not on Westminster – and of course Parliament is in recess until early September-  the temptation facing political managers, no doubt, is to decide whether now is the time for the disclosure of sensitive issues which would be convenient, if they slipped below the radar. If released would public attention remain focused elsewhere? That may well be why Prime Minister David Cameron has indicated that the much discussed reform of the House of Lords will be put on ice – although that is unlikely to go down well with his coalition partner who regards Lords reform as a much more important priority.

Which is a reminder of how often there is insufficient “oxygen” to inflame concerns into burning issues unless they are championed by government or the media.  Opposition parties and civil society groups have limited capacity to capture public attention with matters of public interest unless broadcasted by TV and the newspapers. (Advocates of social media may argue otherwise.)

An example is the obligation of governments to have codes of conduct for their public sectors to minimise corruption and misuse of power.  How often is there any reference to the United Nations code for public officials, to which UN member states have had an obligation to give effect since 1996?  Member states of the UN Convention against Corruption have additional duties. There are comparable obligations in the APEC code for public officials and the OECD has a further layer of integrity obligations in areas ranging from procurement to lobbying. Occasional references in the New Zealand media to departmental standards never refer to these expectations that flow from being part of the international community.  However, no other jurisdiction seems any more compliant.

..and to stretch the analogy,  codes of conduct will never be the nuclear option for promoting integrity in government – today is the anniversary of the dropping of “Little Boy” on Hiroshima in 1945

 http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un/unpan010930.pdf

www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/musa-okwonga-if-theyre-brits-we-call-it-tactics-if-not-its-cheating-8007570.html

Civil servants probably buy the Guardian

3 August 2012

The Guardian’s response to the Cabinet Office Minister’s announcement on Wednesday of a competitive tender for advice on the advantages of politicising some aspects of the relationship between officials and their Ministers may well reflect the viewpoint of a Civil Service readership. 

It commented with surprise that the Minister should contemplate practices in France and the United States; that a Tory led coalition “…could float the idea that Britain should reverse 150 years of cherished tradition” as the leading practitioner of a public spirited, politically neutral, permanent service selected by competition, and appointed on merit.

“…A robust and independent civil service, willing to stand up to here-today-gone-tomorrow politicians and their sometimes thuggish bagmen, remains important. Yes, it’s wrong that officials hide problems, statistics and awkward facts from their political boss (Treasury officials are more frank with the chancellor than they are with No 10, but much more frank with each other), but it’s right that they try to keep naive or foolish ideas – most new governments have plenty – out of harm’s way…”

This portent of an attack on the constitutionally significant status of the Civil Service  happened on a day of constitution significance of which a Tory Minister could have been expected to be aware. The announcement – 1 August – was on the anniversary of the royal assent given in 1800 to the second Act of Union, the statutory framework for bringing Ireland into Union with Great Britain, which came into force on 1 January 1801 – when the Union Flag comprising the cross of St George and the saltire of Scotland had St Patrick’s cross interposed.

The Guardian also observed cynically that the Government is having a difficult time living up it to its propaganda.  It came to office with a manifesto for a “slimmed down Whitehall”. The Conservatives had criticised the Labour Government for the numbers and influence of political support staff.  In 2004 at its peak, there were 85 special advisers working in Ministers’ offices.  This was reduced to 66 by the coalition Government, but numbers are now back up to 85.

And then there are the “thuggish bagmen” on the periphery of public life but shown by the Leveson inquiry and other recent incidents to be at the centre of influence. Perhaps politicising the civil service will be just another sign of the times in Britain.

www.guardian.co.uk/politics/blog/2012/aug/01/civil-service-reform-mike-white

www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2181882/Maude-aims-smash-civil-service-power-base-likely-provoke-row-public-sector-unions.html?ito=feeds-newsxml

https://integritytalkingpoints.com/2012/08/02/the-other-man’s-grass/

Is the grass always greener….?

2 August 2012

The British Minister for the Cabinet Office is showing signs of impatience about getting Civil Service changes that will deliver his view of good government. He fronted the release of the Civil Service Reform Plan in June, and largely reiterated the key points when examined in mid-July at the House of Lords Constitution Select Committee’s inquiry into Government accountability.  He seems keen on making officials more directly supportive of their Ministers and for them to share Ministers’ commitments.

Yesterday he called for studies of jurisdictions that fall either side of the UK model to assess whether different alignment between the political and administrative arms of government may be the key to better performance. Would contracting civil servants to deliver on Governments objectives make for more accountable efforts to deliver on Ministers’ aspirations?  He wants to know whether there are features of the Australia or New Zealand systems that could be adopted.  What are the advantages of the Australian practice where departmental secretaries offer to resign when a new Administration takes office? Should features be copied from the New Zealand model where Statements of Intent set out how departments deliver the outcomes agreed with their Ministers?

The Minister said, “While we are rightly proud of our civil service, we shouldn’t hubristically assume that there’s nothing we can learn from other successful governments, whether, like Australia and New Zealand where they have political arrangements which are broadly similar to ours, or like Singapore or the United States where they are more distinct.”

Apparently he wants a radical change in governance arrangements. He’s reportedly frustrated by the convention that ignores errors on the part of the civil service, holding Ministers responsible for all that happens in their departments.  As five former Cabinet Secretaries and Heads of the Civil Service who last month gave evidence to the Lords Constitution Committee were strongly supportive of the convention, the Minister may have a struggle introducing a new accountability structure. The evidence of another expert belittled the New Zealand model, operating in a jurisdiction which he described as “the square root of bugger all”. That may be why funding is being made available for think tank research rather than advice being prepared from within the civil service.

In developing the options for deriving Better Public Services in New Zealand, a review of comparable jurisdictions identified that agencies here have considerably more autonomy over management decisions than the comparisons – with only Canada being further away from New Zealand than the UK, on a continuum covering Scotland, Ireland, Australia and Singapore.

The irony may be that British Ministers find attractive the New Zealand scheme where chief executives have a fixed term appointment and authority to implement agreed objectives, rather than the permanent status of British heads of department, who usually rotate through departments every 2 – 3 years, often serving in a portfolio for a shorter period than the Minister. The Better Public Services paper on the State Sector Act proposes bringing back aspects of that British civil service model to New Zealand.  This would enable… “chief executives and 2nd and 3rd tier staff to be deployed anywhere within the State services in response to system needs. This reinforces (and goes further than) a proposal that the SSC had already developed … to enable the Commissioner to transfer a chief executive from one department to another…”

 

www.politics.co.uk/news/2012/08/01/a-whitehall-revolution-maude-looks-abroad-to-shake-up-civil

www.politics.co.uk/news/2012/08/01/a-whitehall-revolution-maude-looks-abroad-to-shake-up-civil

www.ssc.govt.nz/sites/all/files/bps-2260572.pdf

www.ssc.govt.nz/sites/all/files/bps-2237165.pdf

NIS may establish whether faith in governance is justified

1 August 2012

A Gallup survey last week focused on indicators of public opinion in the United States. Although for 92% of the surveyed population, creating good jobs was extremely important or very important, 87% also responded that reducing corruption in the federal government was extremely / very important. The next most important priority was reducing the federal deficit, followed by dealing with terrorism and other international threats. Setting high moral standards was seen as extremely / very important by 76% of respondents, ahead of issues like healthcare, education, environment and taxing the wealthy.

These priorities contrast interestingly with the most important issues facing New Zealand, as identified by respondents to the last UMR Mood of the Nation survey. Here, the economy was rated as most important, with jobs coming next. Ethical and moral issues were not considered to have anything like the priority they have in the United States, although community welfare rated similarly in both jurisdictions. Healthcare, education and the environment do not seem to be any more uppermost in the minds of New Zealand survey respondents than they are in the United States.

The lack of concern about corruption may well be justified by the continuingly high evaluation of New Zealand in the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index.  One of the tools that TI has spread across many jurisdictions is its National Integrity System study.  This evaluates the “pillars” of integrity –  national accountability mechanisms and the checks and balances which ensure effective separation of powers and control of corruption.  (The pillars diagram was developed by Jeremy Pope, a New Zealander who was a founder of Transparency International and subsequently co founded Tiri -Integrity in Action.)

Current governance processes to maintain democracy and minimise corruption in New Zealand have probably improved since an NIS evaluation was carried out in 2003.

The Transparency International NZ July newsletter reports on arrangements with agencies like the Office of the Auditor General and State Services Commission to update the NIS over the next 12 months.  The Eurobarometer published last year for each of the EU states was based on a NIS-like evaluation.

www.gallup.com/poll/156347/Americans-Next-President-Prioritize-Jobs-Corruption.aspx

http://umr.co.nz/

www.transparency.org.nz/index.php/home

http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/index_en.htm

SFO chief opts for Queenstown

31 July 2012 

The Serious Fraud Office is losing its chief executive. Yesterday Adam Feeley indicated that after three years with the SFO he was taking up the appointment as chief executive of the Queenstown Lakes District Council.

The resignation of a Public Service chief executive creates the opportunity for the State Services Commissioner to reconsider structural and governance arrangements, including the leadership needs of the agency. That, now, may well coincide with measures to put aspects of Better Public Services into place.

The Better Public Services proposals identify advantages in the creation of departmental agencies functioning under the umbrella of a host Department. There is reference to the British practice. The British Serious Fraud Office is an executive agency falling within the Law Officers’ Departments – being an aggregation of departments for which the Attorney General and the Solicitor General are responsible – the equivalents of the New Zealand Crown Law  Office,  Crown Solicitors and the Serious Fraud Office.

Will this be something that may be relevant here, despite the recent recommendations on reorganising the Crown Law Office with which, presumably, the recently announced Solicitor General will have been tasked, and the decision four years ago not to fold the SFO into NZ Police as the previous government had proposed?  Or perhaps the Serious Fraud Office could be a departmental agency of the Ministry of Justice or the NZ Police? The departmental agency model anticipates these bodies being listed in a new schedule to the State Sector Act and the host agency being a Public Service Department listed on Schedule 1 to that Act.  So that will rule out NZ Police as the host.

Hosting the SFO within NZ Police would disregard lessons from other jurisdictions, that a dedicated specialist agency is necessary – whether it be fraud specific or charged more broadly with anti corruption. Victoria’s Independent Broad- based Anti Corruption Commission which began operations on 1 July is an example. And the UN Convention Against Corruption expects States parties to have enforcement capacity in addition to police.

New Zealand has indicated a commitment to UNCAC. However it is still one of 16 countries standing outside the Convention.  The other OECD countries yet to ratify UNCAC are Germany, Japan and the Czech Republic. We are in league with other non signatories including Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan and North Korea!

www.stuff.co.nz/business/7378028/SFO-head-to-take-on-council-role

www.ssc.govt.nz/sites/all/files/bps-2306543.pdf

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/UNCAC

www.ibac.vic.gov.au/about

No media interest in latest chief executive expenses disclosures

30 July 2012

State services chief executives have to publish a return on their agency website of their expenses, gifts and hospitality for the six month period to 30 June 2012 by tomorrow. The collated record is published on http://www.data.govt.nz although that site has not yet created a file for 2012 datasets. Disclosure details for about 70 agencies for the period are currently jumbled among the returns for the previous period . None seems to have generated any media interest so far.

Disclosing expenses is a simple modelling exercise.  It manifests transparency and the openness standard that should be expected of any expenditure of public money. When the State Services Commissioner first set this expectation, the rationale was that it was an integrity obligation. There was some debate about its relevance and necessity. 

The practice of disclosure illustrates three of the “6 Trust Elements” underpinning the State Services Standards of Integrity and Conduct – the importance of having standards, integrating the standards into operations, and managers modelling them.

The statutory relationship between the Commissioner and Public Service chief executives means that this type of information must be provided when required.  The Better Public Services Cabinet Paper (Paper 6) on changes to the State Sector Act recommends that there should also be statutory clarity about the duty of other parts of the State Services to do likewise. Rather than relying on the Commissioner’s implicit authority relating to code of conduct powers, the intention is to amend the State Sector Act to extend the information disclosure provision to all agencies in the State Services

The Cabinet paper noted that “…while agencies generally co-operate in supplying information, the existence of this power would overcome potential reluctance on the part of an agency to supply relevant information. For example, the Commissioner’s oversight of, and reporting on the government’s ‘capping policy’ would benefit from the potential application of this power. The same applies to the Commissioner’s requests for information relating to disclosures of gifts and benefits received by Crown entity chief executives, as well as other information relating to the Commissioner’s mandate on matters of integrity and conduct. …”

www.ssc.govt.nz/ce-expenses-disclosure

www.ssc.govt.nz/bps-cab-papers-minutes

http://data.govt.nz/

Great minds think alike

28 July 2012

Do civil servants need to be more accountable?

The House of Lords Constitution Select Committee apparently thinks so.  Leading members seem keen to identify a process by which the Civil Service is accountable to Parliament; that senior officials’ have a duty to Select Committees  concurrently with the responsibility to their Minister.

The Constitution Select Committee at its final session examined Lord Butler the Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Civil Service from 1988 – 1998 together with Sir Jeremy Heywood, current Cabinet Secretary, and Sir Bob Kerslake current Head of the Civil Service. Their contributions reinforced the consistent evidence earlier this month of four previous Cabinet Secretaries – permanent heads are accountable to their Minister, and their Ministers are accountable to Parliament.  There can be no other accountability.

Lord Butler was not opposed to exploring accountability arrangements in other countries – and made a reference to New Zealand – but was emphatic that  “…civil service accountability cannot override the responsibility to their Minister”.  He seemed as convinced as Lord Wilson and Lord O’Donnell had been when giving evidence, that the Osmotherley rules remained the authority for select committee appearances. If more clarity is needed, select committees should place greater importance on examining Ministers. 

Heywood and Kerslake would not accept that the Civil Service had a role as a constitutional check on the actions of Ministers. Kerslake echoed his predecessors commitment to the convention saying that  “…civil servants should be responsible to Ministers and Ministers responsible to Parliament”.  Heywood’s view was equally consistent with others who had held the Cabinet Secretary post, that the obligation of civil servants is “…to support our Ministers and provide confidential advice to Ministers and not break that confidentiality…”

The Constitution Select Committee will have to be creative in developing a convincing argument in its report  that civil servants have a duty to Parliament in addition to responsibilities as traditionally understood and in the convention expressed in the Osmotherley rules.

The prospect in New Zealand of legislating a chief executive’s accountability to Parliament may be implicit in the notion of stewardship explored in the Better Public Services Cabinet Paper (Paper 6). Stewardship historically has connotations of responsibility to the monarch. Does this mean the Crown, the Ministers of the Crown or the Crown in Parliament?

www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/lords-select/constitution-committee/news/acs—18-july-2012-press-release/

 

www.ssc.govt.nz/bps-cab-papers-minutes

 

Something awry with being responsible and trustworthy

27 July 2012

There is always somebody who lets the side down.  And there are degrees of let down!

An investigation, begun late last year after five Work and Income staff were uncovered providing information to debt collectors, has led to another three dismissals. Perhaps more concerning is a media claim that as many as 10% of WINZ staff may be inappropriately accessing beneficiaries’ details.

This seems an aberration.  In both the 2007 State Services Integrity Survey and again when the survey was last conducted in 2010, only 4% of public servants indicated that they had seen the misuse of departmental information (92% said they hadn’t seen information misuse, and another 4% indicated that they didn’t know.)

In the 2012 UMR Mood of the Nation survey public confidence in public servants rated 6.2 ( doctors, teachers, nurses, farmers, chefs and builders scored better – and bankers, lawyers, politicians, real estate agents, stockbrokers, and business leaders rated worse.) In the pecking order of departments, only Te Puni Kokiri at 23 rated more poorly than the Ministry of Social Development at 26. The Fire Service at 90 and Police at 78 were the highest rates agencies.

The State Services code of conduct requires State servants to be fair, impartial, responsible and trustworthy; that is how public confidence in government and trust in the State services can be maintained.

Police in Britain are on a public confidence rollercoaster.  Together with the military, the need for the Police to plug the hole left by the collapse of the G4S arrangements for Olympic Games security improves their ratings. This makes up for slump in confidence in Police when the Leveson inquiry uncovered extensive contacts between media and police, and the need for special instructions to Police on contacting and socialising with reporters because of a propensity of some to leak information.

Public sector pariahs this week are two English prison officers that the Leveson inquiry was told were paid by News International papers for providing agency information. One was paid over £35,000 over 14 months and the other more than £14,000.

 

www.stuff.co.nz/auckland/local-news/7311444/Beneficiaries-details-accessed-again

www.ssc.govt.nz/survey-report-summary

http://umr.co.nz/Reports/UMR_Mood_of_the_Nation_Final.pdf

www.guardian.co.uk/media/2012/jul/23/met-corrupt-payments-mirror-star

Government openness may extend to Parliamentary agencies!

26 July 2012

Parliament and its agencies should be subject to the Official Information Act.

Well, some of their functions should be.  That is included among the 137  recommendations made by the Law Commission in its review report published this week.  The Law Commission found the general provisions of the 1982 Act were sound but that some updating and broadening of the scope was required.  The outcome will be first substantial amendment that embodies the Act’s section 4 purpose “… to increase progressively the availability of official information to the people of New Zealand…”

The rationale for a blanket exclusion of Parliamentary agencies from the Act’s coverage is increasingly less appropriate. Recommendations are that the Parliamentary Counsel Office, the Office of the Clerk and the Parliamentary Service,  should be subject to the Act regarding their agency activities, spending and administrative matters, including assets, resources and support services.

Although a consequence of the proposals would be that information on MPs’ travel and expenses become accessible, change flowing from the Members of Parliament ( Remuneration and Services ) Bill currently in the House is likely to have enacted disclosure obligations before the Law Commission recommendations come into force.

Giving effect to the Law Commission recommendations will have a similar outcome to the Australian Information Commissioner’s recent decision that Federal Parliamentary agencies are covered by the Freedom of Information Act . The cross party moves in Australia to reverse that decision are unlikely to be replicated  in New Zealand, where the Minister of Justice seems to accept that the recommendations align with the Government’s commitment to openness and transparency. They are seen as complementing the Government’s Better Public Services programme and the Open Government Initiative.

An interesting sting among the Law Commission’s change recommendations is that where an agency is unable to supply information for a reason which can be attributed to poor record keeping, the Ombudsmen should be able to refer the matter to the Chief Archivist who has authority to investigate further.

www.lawcom.govt.nz/project/review-official-information-act-1982-and-local-government-offical-information-act-1987/publication/report/2012/publics-right-know-review-official-information-legislation

www.foi-privacy.blogspot.co.nz/2012/07/new-zealand-law-commission-completes.html

Former UK Cabinet Secretaries endorse accountability conventions

25 July 2012

A fortnight ago the Lords Constitution Select Committee examined an impressive list of witnesses. Four Cabinet Secretaries provided their perspective on measures to improve the accountability of the civil service. All four, who on retirement were elevated to the peerage, seemed to frustrate the members by their mutually reinforcing statements and their reluctance to acknowledge merit in the changes proposed by the Select Committee to enhance accountability.

The transcript reflects the understated drama of the morning, with Parliamentary etiquette masking attempts by their Lordships to get the witnesses to make concessions.

Lord Armstrong was Cabinet Secretary from 1979 – 1987. He restated the convention, a principle, that civil servants were responsible to Ministers, and Ministers were accountable to Parliament. “…It would be very difficult for civil servants to be accountable to two masters. No man can serve two masters…the principle remains valid …” He wouldn’t be drawn on a new accountability to Select Committee.  He did not think “… that a Select Committee is the ideal body to sit in judgment on the conduct of a civil servant…” despite a former lord chancellor attempting to manoeuvre him into a corner.

Lord Wilson, Cabinet Secretary from 1998 – 2002 provided very readable observations.  He reprised a comment of Lord Armstrong that having long left the role, he was now “ten years out of date”. He restated conventions. “…The national interest and the general public interest is that civil servants should give their best advice to Ministers without worrying that they are going to be drawn into the public arena.. We don’t have a politicised Civil Service….” He described the Northcote -Trevelyan principle of merit appointments as a bedrock. The non disclosure of policy advice is another bedrock. The Osmotherly rules about handling discipline within departments provide yet another bedrock. Another is that civil servants speak at Select Committee on behalf of their Minister, not of themselves.  He thought “…the idea that civil servants should be responsible personally on the basis of a Select Committee hearing, is offensive to the concept of fairness…”

Lord Turnbull, Cabinet Secretary from 2002 – 2005 explored the distinction between accountability and responsibility. He debunked the growing enthusiasm that Select Committees should examine officials and former Ministers involved in programmes despite having moved to different responsibilities.  “…It is a sort of Voltairean view of pour encourager les autres; you punish certain people or shame them as opposed to the system that is directed at how to deal with this problem and make sure it does not recur…”

The whole thing is an interlocking system and if you disturb one element of it, you put another element out of kilter…there is a whole apparatus of checks, balances and approvals ….If you want a system in which officials can say ‘I advised against this’ or even worse, ‘He did not even bother to consult me’  you then have to look all the way down the chain at what other things that would dislodge and destabilise. It would destabilise a great many parts of this system…”

Lord O’Donnell, Cabinet Secretary from 2005 – 2012 short circuited his examination by stating that he agreed with Lord Wilson and Lord Turnbull and if he had heard Lord Armstrong he almost certainly would have agreed! He strongly agrees with the Osmotherly rules  and the system which he believes has worked extremely well.  These are not the elements that have to be changed to improve accountability. He assertively told the Committee that to improve accountability “…the civil servant bit is tiny. The really important bit is: can you define and be clear about who is accountable for what, in the way you set up the agency?”

“The most important thing you can do is say. ‘Let’s think about how we improve the accountability system by looking at the Select Committees and what they do. Let’s be clear with the Select Committees what their objectives are, how they are going to be measured against them, who is going to do it…There is no need to change their resources. Just say, ‘What is your objective? Let  us be clear about objectives. What are your success measures?’  …I am telling you that the thing that would make the most difference is accountability. We have a system. We have changed it.”

“ …Departments do respond to Select Committee reports and in their responses…and … say precisely how they are going  to respond… It does create another problem though. I would stress that you are forever fighting the last war on those fronts…. Should a Select Committee always be backward-looking?…Should the Select Committees be thinking about the next set of crises and sorting out a situation so that we are robust and ready?” …That is again one of the areas where you could say to Select Committees, ‘Do you see your role as just digging over the past or so you see your role as saying ‘Actually, we are not sure that you have the capability to manage future crises’?…”

“If we are going to improve accountability, we need to be absolutely clear about outcomes and who is dealing with them….

 

www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/lords-select/constitution-committee